Ireland is famous for the expression Céad Míle Fáilte (a hundred thousand welcomes), which captures the famous Irish warmth towards visitors. In the last few years, however, media headlines have carried a different message with reports of anti-migrant demonstrations and violent attacks on visible minorities.
Perhaps the most horrific incident occurred in the North of Ireland when Loyalists burned bonfires to commemorate the July 12 victory of Protestant William of Orange over the Catholic King James II in 1690. On one bonfire was placed a model of a boat filled with migrants carrying the slogan “Stop the Boats” underneath it. Onlookers cheered when the boat went up in flames.
Not surprisingly, anti-migrant actions in Ireland have attracted the gleeful attention of the far-right in the US and Canada who sense an issue that can be used to appeal to people of Irish descent in North America. Last June, Rebel News sent two journalists to cover an anti-migrant march in Dublin. The two wrote a glowing account of the demonstration but complained about the anti-immigration movement being smeared as “far right or racist” by the political elite and mainstream media.
In another article about a demonstration in Belfast, they enthused over anti-immigrant demonstrators but had harsh words for counter demonstrators as brandishing Antifa, 2SLBGTQIA+, and trade union flags and showing ‘textbook intolerance’ and “mimicking fascist thuggery.” They said that the patriotic voices of the anti-immigrant demonstrators were silenced and “debate crushed by mob tactics.”
While parroting that the anti-migrant demonstrators are true Irish “patriots,” the RN duo ignore the fact that Loyalist paramilitary members are prominent in the anti-migrant demonstrations in the North of Ireland. These organisations, the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), murdered hundreds of Irish nationalists during the “Troubles,” and detest any manifestation of Irish identity. Along with the migrant boat burned on the July 12 bonfires were also Irish tricolours and posters of Sinn Féin politicians.
To understand the reality of what is happening in Ireland and the role played by the far right in fomenting violence, both rhetorical and physical, to promote its agenda, I spoke with Naimh McDonald, the Director of Advocacy and Community Engagement, from the Hope and Courage Collective. The H&C Collective monitors the activities of the far right in Ireland and offers support to communities to build resilience against hate and division.
Micheal Mac Donncha: former Lord Mayor of Dublin for Sinn Féin.
Can you tell me about your organization Hope and Courage Collective?
NM: We have been in existence since 2021. Hope and Courage Collective works with communities, workplaces, and institutions across Ireland to strengthen democracy and build collective resilience in the face of rising far-right hate and disinformation. We research and analyse the far right and provide resources to communities to build solidarity and understanding. We look at the role of social media in all this and build inclusive narratives to challenge the far-right message.
Ireland has made headlines in recent months for demonstrations and violent attacks against immigrants and refugees; can you give us some background to put these events in context?
NM: There are several factors, some unique to Ireland and some international. One of the primary ones is the crash in 2008 and the growing inequality since that time. This has caused serious problems in Ireland in terms of access to affordable healthcare and housing. Ireland is supposed to have recovered well and is technically a rich country, but the wealth distribution is very unequal. This has led to a lot of frustration among certain sectors of society. There is also the global phenomenon of the growth of right-wing populism which has pushed politics everywhere to the right. There was also the Covid pandemic and the growth of conspiracy theories that came along with it. While progressives and the left generally abided by the guidelines, albeit often critically, the far right mobilised on the streets using and spreading these conspiracy theories. Also, there is social media and its influence in spreading hate and misinformation. I often say that without social media the prominent right-wingers here would be sitting in the corner of a pub downing pints and ranting at each other. The toxic algorithms are a profit maker and allow uncontrolled amplification of hate messages. There are also the wars in Syria and Ukraine and climate change refugees. (Ireland was a relatively homogeneous society, but in recent years there has been an influx of immigrants and refugees, so that one out of five inhabitants was not born in the country.) Finally, the Fianna FailFine Gael coalition in power in Ireland did not have a proper plan to welcome, shelter and integrate people who came to Ireland seeking safety. All these factors have given a space for the far right to come into communities to spread their message. Fascism is based on the politics of emotion: fear, hate, and resentment. They are always using emotion to provoke fear and promote violence.
How much support does the antimigrant movement have? Is it simply the far right on the streets?
NM: The far right have been the catalyst, but not everybody who is anti-migrant would be far right. We did extensive research across Ireland and saw that there is 1.1 per cent of hard right fascists in Ireland, but they have a base of about 11 per cent who might agree with certain elements of their agenda. Electorally, they were able to win a couple of local council seats but on the national level, they are non-existent. However, the amplification of their hate message via social media has given them an influence far beyond their numbers. There is a key tactic of the far right to go for Sinn Féin in communities because Sinn Féin has deep roots in the working class and the far right want to get that working class base. Ironically, this suits the current Irish government as they are happy to see the far right attacking Sinn Féin, which is the leading opposition party, while largely ignoring the governing parties.
Journalists from Rebel News in Canada attended an anti-migrant march in Dublin and complained that the antimigrant movement in Ireland is being smeared as being far right but is really an expression of popular anger. What would respond to this?
NM: To be clear, we can see that the anti-migrant movement is being led by far-right forces. They also control the protests tightly despite saying that that they are organic expressions of the communities involved. We can see the same far right people going from community to community and leading the demonstrations. When there is a bigger event, it is always the same few men speaking on the platform. There is a whole spectacle to it and a whole mythmaking going on as well. They try to claim that they are the true Irish patriots and seek to co-opt the whole radical Irish Republican anti-colonial legacy from Wolfe Tone in 1798 to Bobby Sands and the Irish hunger strikers in recent years. They are also trying to use the Irish flag prominently to associate themselves with Ireland’s long struggle for self determination. They are claiming the mantle of Irish patriotism and anyone who criticizes them are called traitors. Progressives and anti-racists are now using the tricolour more in demonstrations to contest the far right. The Irish flag is and should remain a symbol of internationalism, freedom from colonisation, and struggle.
Ironically, these far-right activists who claim to be the true Irish patriots work closely with Loyalist paramilitary figures and extreme Unionists from the North of Ireland. For example, Mark Sinclair, who served 17 years in prison and is a member of the Ulster Volunteer Force and was also an informer for British Intelligence, has been seen attending anti-immigrant marches in Dublin and Limerick. These sectarian Loyalists gangs are avowedly anti-Irish, and murdered hundreds of Irish nationalists during the Troubles (1969 -1998), Can you explain this bizarre alliance?
NM: It is hard to get your head around it initially but if you understand what is happening, it makes sense. We have to come back to the idea that fascism is based on feelings over facts. The Irish Republican Movement, represented by Sinn Féin nowadays, is a movement with an internationalist perspective based on self-determination and equality. These values are inimical to fascism, which is based on inequality and exclusion. The Irish far-right and the Loyalists are like two peas in a pod when it comes to advocating inequality and exclusion. The Irish far right has also engaged with British neo-Nazis (who hated and attacked Irish Republicans in the 70s and 80s). So, you have the strange situation where leading Loyalists come down South and Irish far-right activists go to the North waving a tricolour and marching with people who openly despise Irish culture and what that flag represents historically.
Sinn Féin Targeted by Far-Right
Sinn Féin is the largest political party on the island of Ireland. In the North of Ireland, it is the majority party, and Michelle O’Neill is the First Minister. In the Irish Republic, it has 39 seats and forms the official opposition to the Fine Gael/Fianna Fail coalition government. As a left of centre party, it has deep roots in the Irish working class and campaigns actively for affordable housing and accessible health care as well as Irish unity. Sinn Féin grew to prominence during the 30-year conflict in the North of Ireland under the leadership of Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness. Its progressive politics and Irish nationalist credentials have won it considerable support in working class communities. The far right is now seeking to undermine Sinn Féin’s credibility to enhance its own presence in the working class.
Irish police have monitored extensive communications between Irish far right activists and members of the British fascist group Patriotic Alternative which has developed expertise in recruiting young men online. In recent weeks, racist violence has reached new levels. There have been several attacks against visible minorities in Ireland. For example, in the Tallaght suburb of Dublin a gang of teenagers assaulted and stripped an Indian man and filmed him staggering and bleeding. I spoke with the former Lord Mayor of Dublin Micheal Mac Donncha, a city councillor for Sinn Féin, about the party being targeted by the far right and its strategies to counter the far-right narrative.
Micheal Mac Donncha: former Lord Mayor of Dublin for Sinn Féin.
1. Would you say the migrant issue is destabilizing Irish society? There have been a number of recent cases of migrants being physically attacked. Is this violence organized or sporadic expressions of hate?
It would be going too far to say that it is destabilising the whole society. However, the issue has poisoned much of the political atmosphere, especially online. This is directly linked to the attacks on migrants. They are being demonised online, often with fake news and false narratives. This has fuelled racist language and violent attacks which are not necessarily centrally organised but are local, widespread and inspired by the far-right who pollute politics.
2. The far-right attacks Sinn Féin, which is in opposition, more than the Irish government. Why is this?
Sinn Féin is strongest in working class communities where many people experience economic disadvantage and alienation. There is disillusionment, especially about the housing and healthcare crises and a feeling among many that these cannot be solved. Sinn Féin has provided a vision, a hope and practical alternative policies as well as local community leadership. This has contributed to our electoral growth. We are also firmly opposed to racism and bigotry. The far right believes it can grow in working class communities and sees us as the main obstacle to that. So, it targets much of its racist agitation there and much of its vitriol against us.
3. What positive measure does Sinn Féin propose concerning immigration and resources allocation?
Immigration has strengthened and enriched Ireland. Migrant workers are staffing hospitals, care homes, schools, retail, and transport. They are part of our communities. They have embraced our culture. We also have obligations to those who arrive seeking international protection (refugee status). This aspect has been very poorly handled by government. The application process takes far too long. The accommodation system is a complete mess. It is privatised and property interests are profiting hugely from it. It is not properly planned, with the government simply seeking offers of accommodation with little or no consideration of location, local resources or community needs. We say this must change with faster processing of applications, state provided accommodation and more accountability.
The Rebel News journalists say that Ireland serves as a warning for Canada. They are right, but for the wrong reasons. Rather than fomenting divisions and hate by blaming immigrants for social ills, Canadians need to address growing economic equality and the democratic deficit in our country. Far right misinformation needs to be countered with a positive narrative based on facts and promoting solidarity and inclusion to build a Canada for all.
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