HomeAsiaPakistan’s return as America’s dutiful little brother

Pakistan’s return as America’s dutiful little brother


When US President Donald Trump recently referred to Pakistan’s chief of army staff, Field Marshal Asim Munir, as “my favorite field marshal,” it was more than a casual remark.

The comment came soon after Washington helped mediate a tense 10-day border war between Pakistan and India, followed almost immediately by clashes along the Afghan frontier.

The ceasefire that followed underscored America’s renewed role as Pakistan’s reluctant but indispensable partner – a familiar role both countries appear to have settled back into.

The United States and Pakistan have long shared a relationship defined by pragmatism rather than trust. After years of diplomatic drift, the latest escalation has forced a recalibration.

For Washington, Pakistan offers regional leverage at a time when Afghanistan’s security remains fragile and India’s assertiveness complicates its strategic balance. For Islamabad, American mediation has restored a degree of international legitimacy and relief in a moment of political and economic volatility.

When Asim Munir assumed command in late 2022, Pakistan was in the middle of a political crisis. The ouster of Prime Minister Imran Khan had triggered widespread protests and deepened divides within the political class.

Public discontent with the army was growing, and the idea of “hybrid governance” — where civilian authority and military oversight coexist — had become shorthand for Pakistan’s attempt at stability through compromise. Munir’s appointment came at a time when the army’s political role was both indispensable and increasingly contested.

Over two years later, that model has endured. Under what many describe as a carefully managed balance of power, Pakistan has avoided further institutional collapse.

While civilian governance remains constrained, the continuity of leadership has allowed the state to maintain a minimum threshold of order amid crises. The military’s quiet consolidation has come with strategic dividends, too.

The recent ceasefires with India and Afghanistan both reflect a deeper logic: Pakistan is repositioning itself within a regional framework that once again aligns with US strategic interests. Trump’s administration has been quick to claim credit for “bringing calm to South Asia,” while reaffirming a security partnership that never truly ended.

Yet Munir’s challenge extends beyond diplomacy. The legacy he has inherited is one of institutional fatigue. Since independence, Pakistan’s military has alternated between direct rule and indirect guardianship for nearly four decades. That continuity has ensured national survival but constrained political maturity. The hybrid system that sustains stability also inhibits reform.

Nowhere is this tension more evident than along Pakistan’s western frontier. Relations with the Taliban regime have deteriorated since late 2023, with repeated cross-border incursions by the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) prompting Islamabad to repatriate thousands of undocumented Afghans.

The move, criticized by human rights organizations, reflects the government’s frustration with Kabul’s failure to rein in militant groups. The recent ceasefire, though welcomed by Washington, has not resolved the underlying mistrust.

To the east, the situation remains equally delicate. The brief but intense conflict with India earlier this year exposed how quickly dormant hostilities can ignite. While both sides have now reaffirmed the 2021 Line of Control agreement, confidence remains low. Pakistan’s leadership must now maintain deterrence while avoiding the economic and diplomatic fallout that sustained tension inevitably brings.

Economic fragility remains Pakistan’s defining constraint. Inflation hovers above 22%, foreign exchange reserves are thin and energy shortages persist despite IMF support. Within this context, renewed US engagement has brought cautious optimism. The reopening of defense cooperation channels and discussions around investment in renewable energy and technology have signaled a tentative shift.

One key development came in August 2025, when Pakistan signed mineral exploration agreements worth nearly $20 billion with a consortium that included several US firms.

These deals, focused primarily on copper and lithium in Balochistan, have positioned Pakistan as a potential supplier within the global clean energy market. For Washington, this offers an alternative to Chinese supply chains; for Islamabad, it provides economic breathing room and diversification beyond China’s orbit.

This economic realignment carries broader geopolitical implications. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, once the flagship of Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative, has slowed amid delays and financing disputes.

Although Chinese projects continue, Pakistan’s effort to attract US and Gulf participation in infrastructure and energy signals a gradual move toward a more multipolar economic strategy. The shift reflects Munir’s pragmatic approach: balance rather than alignment.

Trump’s admiration for Munir may seem personal, but it is politically deliberate. His administration values predictable partners capable of enforcing order in volatile regions. Munir’s image as a disciplined, apolitical soldier fits neatly into that calculus. For Pakistan, US approval carries symbolic and material benefits, from investor confidence to diplomatic leverage.

But a renewed partnership brings its own risks. Overreliance on American mediation could alienate Beijing, whose financial and defense cooperation remains vital. It could also deepen Pakistan’s historical cycle of dependence, where each external alliance postpones internal reform. Munir’s real test will be whether he can maintain equilibrium between these competing pressures while addressing domestic instability.

At the same time, Pakistan’s security dilemma remains unresolved. Sectarian tensions persist, militant networks remain active, and political fragmentation continues to undermine governance. The establishment’s control may preserve order for now, but long-term stability will require more inclusive institutions.

The US, meanwhile, faces its own paradox. It seeks to stabilize Pakistan without being drawn into its domestic politics, yet Washington’s support inevitably reinforces the very structures that limit democratic evolution. The result is a partnership of mutual convenience that is resilient but rarely transformative.

As Pakistan redefines its alliances in an increasingly multipolar world, it stands once again at a crossroads. The renewed partnership with its American big brother may help contain immediate crises, but it also risks repeating familiar patterns. The hope, perhaps, is that both sides have learned enough from history not to let it repeat itself so predictably.

Suleman Zia is a freelance columnist and policy analyst based in Lahore, Pakistan.

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